The Social Alter

By Lloyd deMause

Social theorists have not been much interested in psychology. Durkheim, in fact, founded sociology with books on suicide and incest that claimed they are wholly without psychological causes1. Sociologists still echo Durkheim's obiter dicta against psychology. Most today agree with C. Wright Mills, who told me when I was his research assistant at Columbia University, "Study only enough psychology to make sure you can answer the bastards when they attack you."

Psychologists, for their part, have their own massive denial system: ever since Freud and began to reveal the ubiquity of sexual seduction of children, he and most psychotherapists since then have denied that the widespread child abuse around them was the cause of emotional problems. As Freud said, "sexual assaults on small children happen too often for them to have any aetiological importance..."

Freud's opinion during his entire life was that children could be physically, sexually and emotionally abused without psychological effects. He did not think that having sex with children was traumatic, In fact, he sometimes said seduction was beneficial, as, for instance, when women seduce little boys: "One can regularly observe in the circle of one's acquaintances who have been seduced by women at an early age escape neurasthenia."2 Freud nowhere describes the rape of children as a betrayal of trust or as painful or as horrifying to the helpless child. He believed it presented problems only in the sense that it provided pleasurable but "unconsummated" excitation."3 Sexual seductions, he said, "produced no effect on the child"4 until a later assault awakened the memory by "deferred action."5 Freud even sided with the perpetrator. In the case of Dora, for instance, who was at 14 molested by a friend of her father's, Freud said, by a "kiss upon her lips [and] the pressure of his erect member against her body,"6 Freud backed the father who said she should have not objected, since the molester was a friend. Freud declared the girl "hysterical" if she complained about the assault on her: "I should without question consider a person hysterical in whom an occasion for sexual excitement elicited feeling that were preponderantly or exclusively unpleasurable..."7 His colleagues usually blamed the victim too. Abraham called sexual molestation of his patients by adults "desired by the child unconsciously [because of an] abnormal psyche-sexual constitution,"8 concluding they had "an abnormal desire for obtaining sexual pleasure, and in consequence of this undergo sexual traumas [rape]."9

Nor has opinion changed in either academia or psychiatry lately. While many give lip service to the immorality of sexual assault on children, their real opinion, I have found from having given hundreds of speeches on the history of child abuse to academic and mental health audiences in the U.S. and Europe, is quite different. Academics who are concerned with human sexuality mostly agree with Kinsey ("It is difficult to understand why) a child...should be disturbed at having its genitalia touched,")10 his co-author Pomeroy ("incest between adults and younger children a satisfying and enriching experience,")11 sexual historians Edwardes and Masters ("there is no shame in being a...pederast or a rapist if one is satisfied,")12 child sexuality expert social worker LeRoy Schultz "[incest is] a positive, healthy experience")13 or any of the hundreds of others in anthropology, psychology and history who determine the basic propedophile agenda in their fields today.14 The same is true for psychiatry. I recently was invited to address the American Psychiatric Association Convention in Philadelphia on the subject "The History of Child Assault." I gave far more evidence than I have cited here showing that the majority of children in all periods of history and all nations were sexually abused. They questioned me for a while, asking for even more evidence, and then seemed to admit that what I said was true. Then, for the last half hour, they ignored me, and discussed among themselves the following propositions: "If childhood sexual abuse has been so widespread for so long, perhaps we are wrong, perhaps we shouldn't be creating a conflict in children's minds. Since everyone does it, maybe sex between children and adults isn't wrong at all." Plus: "What might gentle incest be like?" After hearing this, I was not surprised when, a few months later, the American Psychiatric Association took pedophilia off their Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV), saying according to one disgusted psychiatrist, that "a person is no longer a pedophile simply because he molests children...He is a pedophile ONLY if he feels bad or anxious about what he's doing;" otherwise, having sex with children is a perfectly normal activity.16

This massive denial of the origin of individual emotional problems in the traumatic abuse of children is in fact one and the same as the massive denial of the psychological origins of social behavior. They are two sides of the same historical coin. Both are rooted in the fact that our deepest fears are stored in a dissociated part of the brain that remains largely unexplored and is the source of the historical restaging of these traumas. Only when the contents and psychodynamics of these dissociated traumatic memories are made fully conscious can we understand the waking nightmare that we call history.

To achieve this understanding, we can draw upon the resources of neurobiology, experimental and clinical psychology, history and the other social sciences to provide a fully scientific psychogenic theory of history. I will first review briefly recent advances in the understanding of the neurobiology of trauma and its dissociation and storage in a separate module of the brain.

The extensive work of LeDoux16 has provided wide evidence that there are two memory systems in the brain, the earliest, the early emotional memory system, being located in neural networks centering on the amygdala, while the later, verbal, declarative memory system is located in networks centering on the hippocampus, which does not begin to mature until we are 3 to 4 years of age. Early fears and other traumatic memories, even in other mammals, are not only stored in this separate module of the brain, they are fairly permanent, and are usually inaccessible to the conscious working memory of your prefrontal cortex with which you think. LeDoux thus gives a neurobiological basis for the psychotherapist's finding that everyone continues to react to dissociated early memories as though they were vividly present later in adult life. Later communication between the emotional and the declarative memory systems is extremely difficult; it is only accomplished with effort, by following in psychotherapy the associations of memories (that is bundles of neurons) "clumped" together in this separate memory module. LeDoux actually shows microscopic photos of these new neuronal connections in the amygdala, providing direct evidence for the existence of the initial amnesia and later recapture of unconscious memories.

Van der Kolk17 and others have further established that these early traumas not only have separate neural modules, but, in addition, result in intense overstimulation of neurotransmitter neurons in the central nervous system, producing extreme hypersensitivity and imbalance in such important neurotransmitters as catecholamines and particularly serotonin. Coleman18 has seen the serotonin level drop precipitously in an 11-month-old baby following the sudden death of his 8-year-old sister, and has experimentally shown early stress in both animals and humans can lower serotonin levels and cause anxious, agitated feelings and behavior. Roy has shown the role of low serotonin levels in suicide, violence and alcoholism, and Buck has successfully reduced these violent behaviors through serotonin uptake inhibitors alone.19 In fact, enough is now known about the linage between low serotonin levels and aggressive behavior to suggest that the best hope for humankind in another nuclear standoff like the Cuban Missile Crisis will be to dump massive doses of Prozac, a serotonin agonist, into the water supply of the capitols of the nations involved.

Other neurobiologists20 have linked early trauma and neurotransmitter imbalances and resulting neuronal receptor hypersensitivities with depression, panic attacks, intrusive flashbacks to traumatic images, explosive anger and social violence. In addition, surges of catacholamines21 plus endogenous opioid release, meant to blunt the painful affect, that later accompany traumatic memories may produce addiction and restaging of the traumas in order to momentarily obtain relief of anxiety. This restaging can be accomplished individually, through addiction to retramatization, or socially, through trance rituals that inflict pain in preliterate groups or in the manic restagings of nations such as in wars and revolutions. In all of these restagings, people first become hypervigilant and paranoid as catacholamine imbalances and serotonin depletion lead them to expect attack, then engage in sacrificial restaging rituals that are usually both sadistic-inflicting the trauma upon others--and masochistic--destroying your own wealth and even sacrificing your own lives. The result is a feeling of relief that we have survived the apocalypse in our heads plus a feeling of triumph produced by the manic opioid surge.

Thus our early traumas become wired into separate emotional memory module and become projected onto the historical stage in such a manner that they appear to be happening to the group rather than being internal, creating group-fantasies so intense and compelling that they take on a life of their own, a life that is imagined as happening in a dissociated sphere called "society." History, therefore, is a dissociative disorder designed to help achieve homoeostasis by discharging increasing anxieties experienced in common with others.

Let us consider a typical example. An anti-abortion demonstrator goes home at night after picketing an abortion clinic. He has trouble getting to sleep. He falls asleep, then wakes up from a nightmare in which he hears a fetus screaming out, "Help! They're trying to kill me!" He gets up, goes out to the abortion clinic and shoots a doctor.

What the traumatic restaging model sees in this typical "political" act is a person reliving an earlier personal fear of being killed, a fear that began with his experiencing some sort of terrible distress while a helpless baby or even as a fetus and compounded by other traumatic fears during his childhood. These early traumas are stored in his early emotional memory module which acts as a "trauma sink" to collect his traumatic incidents and related defenses so that the fuIly conscious main part of his personality can proceed with daily living tasks.

This separate, dissociated self begins with our very first traumatic memories and feelings and is experienced as a world of fantasy, peopled by witches and dragons and heroes and monsters, organized by narratives in books and on TV and played out with toys and games and in peer groups all split-off parts of the psyche, experienced as "not-me" and dissociated From "real" personal life, but all nevertheless very real and emotionally intense. As the child grows up, he or she begins to integrate this fantasy life into his or her social life with peers in "play," using cultural content to create scenarios that become adult group-fantasies that embody, re-enact and provide defenses against early traumatic content. These group-fantasies are dissociated and seem to have a life of their own, a life we term "social" or "political" or "religious." The process is similar to that observed in the creation of alters, or alternate personalities, in people who have Multiple Personality Disorders. The condition has three criteria: (a) the personalities seem to be distinct, (b) the dominant personality at any particular time determines the individual's behavior, and (c) each personality is complex and integrated with its own unique behavior patterns.22 There are four core dissociative symptoms: amnesia, depersonalization, derealization and identity alteration.23 Severe, repeated child abuse almost always lies behind this dissociative disorder. Kluft says, "Most multiples, as children, have been physically brutalized, psychologically assaulted, sexually violated, and affectively overwhelmed"24 as Ross puts it, a

multiple personality disorder is a little girl imagining that the abuse is happening to someone else. The imaging is so intense and subjectively compelling, and is reinforced so many times by the ongoing trauma, that the created identities seem to take on a life of their own, though they are all parts of one person.25

Alters--often a dozen or more of them--usually have different names, handwriting voices, vocabularies, expressions, even EEG alpha rhythms, and are often amnesic of each other's activities.26 Often an alter is frozen in time, stuck in the trauma that gave it birth, and child personalities will often expect to be sexually assaulted by the therapist, who is mistaken for the abuser from the past and cower in the corner, fearing the inevitable rape.27

In addition to the host personality, who is often depressed, masochistic, compulsively good and suffers from time losses, there are alters such as fearful children who recall the traumas, inner persecutors, expressors of forbidden impulses, avengers, apologists for the abusers, and so on. Sometimes the alter will be just a fragment of the past. For instance, one alter of a woman was named "Flash," continuously reliving the memory of the floodlights used during the pornographic filming of repeated rapes when she was three years old or another of her alters who was called "Adu," from when she was gang raped at twelve and her boyfriend, Andrew, was shot and: she screamed out his name over and over, a screaming inside her head that continued for ten years.28 The formation of such alters is life-saving, allowing the host personality to defend against unbearable trauma and continue living. Their tragedy is that these alters restage their traumas in adult life, in what Kluft calls "revictimization behaviors" or "the sitting duck syndrome," during which they feel they are taking control of the abuse and at least ending the intolerable agony of waiting for it to happen.29

The abortion clinic bomber also has an alter who turns his helplessness and fears of being hurt as a baby into an act of violence toward a scapegoat, the abortion doctor, thereby acting out his revenge for his earlier traumas. Many multiple personality patients similarly report hearing voices of infants crying out or screaming in distress, asking to be rescued.30 The main difference is that in the case of the anti-abortion bomber many other people in society collude with his central delusion that he must avenge fetuses to retain his sanity.

A group-fantasy, then, is produced by a collection of social alters as an agreement by groups of people to pool their traumas into a delusional social construction. Social alters have four main characteristics:

(1) they are separate neural memory modules that are repositories for traumatic events and accompanying feelings frozen in time,
(2) organized into dynamic structures containing a different set of goals, values and defenses than the main self that help prevent the traumas and resulting despair from overwhelming the one's life,
(3) split off by a seamless wall of denial, depersonalization, discontinuity of affect and disownership of responsibility that is maintained in collusion with others in society who have similar alters to deny, and that are
(4) communicated, elaborated and acted out in group-fantasies embedded in political, religious and social institutions.

Social alters are distinct, separate, complex, integrated, and with their own repertoire of behaviors that are dominant in the social sphere. The main difference between social alters and most alters of a multiple personality disorder is that social alters replace the usual denial of recent actions by amnesia by denial of emotional connection to these actions, maintained through group collusion. Thus, even though one may be co-consciousness of the activities and feelings of one's social alter, one has no consciousness of the connections between it and the rest of one's emotional life; in other words, one always goes to war because of the chance appearance of an enemy, never because of anything that is currently happening in one's head or heart.

Social alters are organized neural modules providing emotional suitcases into which we stuff our most traumatic split-off fears and feelings, containing our continuing lives as traumatized children, abuser apologists, inner persecutors, heroic avengers, and other consciously intolerable parts of ourselves. Except for a few psychopaths and psychotics, most of us keep these suitcases in the closet with the door locked, seemingly away from our daily lives, but we lend the keys to group delegates whom we depend upon to act out their contents for us so we can deny ownership of the actions. Periodically, when our despair becomes too great to dump into others and our alters seem too distant so that we feel depleted of vital parts of ourselves, these suitcases explode, and their fearsome contents are loosed upon our everyday life in what we term wars or revolutions or other social violence.

Even the language of social alters is special, since they must communicate with other social alters in elliptical form in order that their unacceptable true content may remain hidden to our main selves. Therefore, group-fantasies are often conveyed by subliminal embedded messages rather than clear, overt language. Groups speak this embedded language when they are in a group trance. Leaders of groups must therefore be adept at trance induction techniques in order to accomplish their delegated tasks.

It is not difficult to see face-to-face members of a small group switch into their social alters. As the group gathers, people chat, laugh, argue and interact from their central selves. At a certain moment, however, "when the time comes for the group to form," individuals switch into their social alters a group-trance31 forms, language and demeanor change, people feel somehow detached, estranged from their usual range of feelings, deskilled of critical faculties, a leader is imagined to be "in control" and to contain a lifesustaining fluid, group boundaries are imagined, enemies arise, factions form to act out splits, and empathy diminishes. it is now acceptable, in fact necessary, to exploit and abuse others. Scapegoats volunteer for sacrifice, a group bible and group history and group spirit and other delusional group-fantasies form, and group life begins, seemingly a more emotionally vital life than everyday life, despite a certain sleepiness that is a result of the group trance. When the group "ends," often with a trance-breaking clap of hands termed applause, people switch back to their central personalities, experience a tremendous emotional let-down as vital parts of themselves are lost, are disoriented for a moment and mourn the group's ending--in the same manner as multiple personalities often feel more connected to their real feelings when they are "in" their alters.

Nations, home of our social alters, act out what seems to be a nonpersonal history because social events appear to exist "in reality" but seem not to be a result of the intentions or emotions of any individual. Since the emotional connections between society and self are amnesic--nations appear to operate sui generis--individuals can deny responsibility for what they do and social events can appear to be wholly without motivation. Thus historians can write tens of thousands of volumes on war without ever once mentioning the word "anger." The world has agreed to apply these emotional only to individual actions, and collude in saying that wars are fought only by abstract entities called nations that do not feel anger, groups that are alters to us because they embody and carry out our group-fantasies. The "nation" part of us never talks to our "real" self and is considered to be not really part of us. Soldiers who kill in wars, for instance, are not personally called murderers and politicians who cut off welfare to children are not personally child killers because these actions are imagined to be part of a different reality system, a dream-world of pooled social alters that is not really our responsibility, somehow not really "us."

That we can all switch between our central selves and our social alters so easily without anyone noticing it is a testimony to the power of the social trance. It is not difficult to watch C-Span on TV and see politicians switch back and forth between their central selves and their social alters. For instance, I recently watched on C-SPAN as Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich stood on the floor of Congress and spoke for hours about the necessity for cutting all kinds of government allowances for children, actions that would deprive millions of children of basic food and shelter. Then, in a blink of an eye, I watched him switch from his social alter back to his main self and call for government tax credits for poor children to buy laptop computers so they could get on the Internet.

What had happened psychologically was something like this. Gingrich had just been inaugurated as Speaker of the House, becoming world famous and appearing on the covers of all the newsweeklies, and had just received a book contract for $4.5 million. The success of his central self made his social alter, needy-baby Newt, son of an unwed teenage mother who could not give him love,32 feel jealous and cry out "ME TOO! I NEED SOME!" His central self was threatened with being overwhelmed with the memories of deprivation and despair and dependency that he had so long walled off. Rather than feel this despair, he handled it by dumping it into millions of children and letting them feel it for him, saying sufficient food and shelter would make them feel "too dependent." Others accepted his delusional actions as "social," not "personal," never asking why suddenly the nation's most important agenda was to pass federal legislation punishing children--one even prohibiting states from paying for baby diapers.33 Other Congressmen began calling welfare recipients living in poverty "alligators" and "wolves;" one waved a sign on the floor of Congress that said "Don't feed the alligators."34

If helpless people are hallucinated to be vicious alligators, then obviously scapegoats exist as "poison containers" to feel our memories of hunger and despair at being unloved. Without poison containers, we would have to feel them for ourselves. Gingrich knew he was acting as a delegate for millions of other Americans who, like himself, had been feeling successful recently (corporate profits had just soared 40 percent, the stock market was up 20 percent) and who now wanted poor children to feel their emotions for them, so his speech was full of his manic excitement. To emphasize the point that it was our abused child alter that was the target, legislation to repeal the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act was passed. After Gingrich finished his anti-children speech, he felt better, having punished his "greedy" child alter, and then switched from his angry, detached alter voice back into his more friendly-voiced main personality and talked about giving ghetto children computers, which he himself enjoys using to surf the Internet.

Each Gingrich personality was amnesic to the meaning of what the other said. His main self was separated from his social alter by a wall of denial that others colluded with him in maintaining. Millions of people watching him or reading about his speeches the next day agreed not to notice that two very different Gingriches had spoken. They either nodded in agreement with his ideas or, at most, said that providing laptop computers for ghetto kids while cutting off their food was a "crazy" idea. One journalist whose column was headed "Newt to Poor: Let Them Eat Laptops,"35 pointed out that ghetto children don't have much use for tax credits since they don't pay taxes, but even he wasn't curious how Gingrich could simultaneously champion both starvation and computers for poor children. Like early observers of multiple personalities, we often label other people "crazy" when they reveal social alters that aren't logical, but we never really analyze how and why and when they move in and out of these "crazy" alters.

It is useless to point out to people who are dissociated and in a social trance that dependent children or any other poison containers are helpless human beings who are the victims of their political actions. The Nazi commandant of Auschwitz, Rudolf Hoss, when asked if the Jews he killed had deserved their fate, replied that "there was something unrealistic about such a question, because [we] had been living in an entirely different world," that is, the world of social alters. Jews weren't personally hated. Their blood had to flow in order to purify the blood of Germany. They weren't human, real. How could one ask if they deserved to be killed? "It never even occurred to us," he said.36

Poison containers live in a different world, a world of alters. It is the task of leaders to make them appear real rather than being just in our heads. As Louis Farrakhan often tells his followers, "You really are being persecuted, Let me help you by naming your persecutors. [You'll] realize that the source of aggression and evil is out there, in the real world. And you thought it was all in your head!37 By making social anxiety seem real, leaders help us regulate our neurotransmitter imbalances through social action, using "society" as an inner homeostatic regulator.

It is only because our social alters merge with the perpetrators in our heads that such massive cruelties as social exploitation and wars can be inflicted without the central self being overwhelmed by personal guilt. The switch to one's social alter is particularly dramatic in those who have powerful conversion experiences, like the one Paul had at Damascus. This involves an apocalyptic moment when the person has a vision-like "inner voice" (alter) conversion experience that (a) all their difficulties in life have been caused by Evil, (b) they themselves have been sinful, (c) merging with a violent leader is necessary to save them, (d) a final battle with Evil is near and (e) they have been chosen to fight this final battle.38 There is evidence that this apocalyptic merging with the aggressor was experienced, for instance, by Hitler,39 in a "supernatural vision" that produced an "inner rapture," presumably the feeling generated by merging with the father that beat him regularly with a hippopotamus whip when he was a little child. Further, most of the Nazis who wrote their autobiographies for the book Why Hitler Came to Power had similar conversion experiences in which they in periods of personal despair imagined they had merged with Hitler.40 So, too, most of the American "militia" members have had this merging-with-the-perpetrator "conversion" experience.

The dream-world of the social alter, then, is the ultimate source of the emotional life of all groups, including nations. When America's central group-fantasy is a castrating Lorena Bobbit/Hillary Clinton, as it was in Clinton's first two years, we know that the bloodthirsty mommy in our social alter is our main concern. When, ever since O.J. grabbed that knife away from Lorena Bobbit and plunged it into Nicole's neck, our dominant group-fantasy is Connie Chung and other women in cartoons with knives stuck in their backs, and we know we have shifted to our revenge alter and are now in a manic merging with the aggressor phase. And when America sends its troops into Bosnia, we will have shifted to our sacrifice the child upheaval phase.

Trying to investigate and integrate these deep emotions of our social alters is a therapeutic task of considerable dimensions, involving the establishment of new neural connections between our conscious declarative memory system and our dissociated emotional neural network. This is why it is essential that the psychohistorian consider social alters as valuable subjects of study. Psychotherapists, sensing the depth of irrationality in their clients' social alters, shy away from examining their political and religious opinions, their social alters, and thereby miss confronting their earliest memories and most primitive defenses. Psychohistory must take up this task and carry out this voyage of self-discovery under the conviction that nothing can ever be discovered about society "out there" until it is first seen as existing "in here."

This speech was given at the Eighteenth Annual Convention of the International Psychohistorical Association on June 7, 1995 in New York City.


1Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology. Glencoe, ill.: Free Press, 1951; Incest: The Nature and Origin of the Taboo. New York: L. Stuart, 1963.
2Masson, Ed. Letters, p. 40-41.
3Kriill, Freud and His Father, p. 12
4Freud, Standard Edition. Vol. II, p. 133.
5Ibid, Vol. I, p. 356; Vol. III, p. 167.
6lbid, p. 30 7Ibid, p. 28.
8Karl Abraham, "The Experiencing of Sexual Traumas as a Form of Sexual Activity." In Selected Papers of Karl Abraham. London: Hogarth Press, 1948, p. 48.
9Ibid, p. 54.
10Alfred Kensey, Wardell Pomery and Clyde Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Phihiladelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., p. 121.
11Walter B. Pomeroy, "A New Look at Incest." Penthouse Forum, November, 1976, p. 10. 12Allen Edwardes and R. E. L. Masters, The Cradle of Erotica. New York: The Julian Press, 1963, p. 22.
13Schultz's keynote speech at the first national conference on the sexual abuse of children is cited in Sam Janus, The Death of lnnocence: How Our Children Are Endangered by the New Sexual Freedom. New York: William Merrow & Co., 1981, p. 126.
14See the list of books and Journals-particularly The Journal of the History of Sexuality and The Journal of Homosexuality cited in deMause, "The Universality of Incest," p. 131.
15Joseph Nicolosi, NARTH Bulletin, April 1995, p. 1.
16Joseph E. LeDoux, Scientific American, June, 1994, pp. 50-57.
17H. A. van der Kolk, Psychological Trauma. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1987.
18Mary Coleman, "Environmental Effects on Serotonin in Children." Unpub. paper; Mary Coleman, "Platelet Serotonin in Disturbed Monkeys and Children." Clinical Proceedings of the Children's Hospital. f27(1971): 187-194.
19A. Roy, M. Virkkunen, M. Linnoila, "Serotinin in Suicide, Violence, and Alcoholism," in E. F. Coccaro, D. L. Murphy, Eds. ASerotonin in Major Psychiatric Disorders Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1990; Owen D. Buck, "Sertraline for Reduction of Violent Behavior." American Journal of Psychiatry 152(1995): 953.
20John P. Wilson, Trauma, Transformation, and Healing. New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1989; Jan Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1995.
22For the various DSM III, DSM IIIR and proposed DSM VI diagnostic criteria, see Richard P. Kluft, "Multiple Personality Disorder." In David Spiegel, et al, Dissociative Disorders: A Clinical Review. Lutherville, Maryland: The Sidran Press, 1993, pp. 79-80.
23Marlene Stinberg, "Systematizing Dissociation: Symptomatology and Diagnostic Assessment." In David Spiegel, Ed. Dissociation: Culture, Mind, and Body. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1994, p. 60.
24Richard P. Kluft, "Basic Principles in Conducting the Psychotherapy of Multiple Personality Disorder." In Ray Aldridge-Morris, Multiple Personality: An Exercise in Deception. London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, p. 45; Frank W. Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of MultipIe Personality Disorder. New York: Guilford Press, 1989, p. 48.
25Colin A. Ross, The Osiris Complex: Case-Studies in Multiple Personality Disorder. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994, p. vii. 26Hennett G. Braun, Ed. Treatment of Multiple Personality Disorder. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1986; Frank W. Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of Multiple Personality Disorder. New York: Guilford Press, 1989; David Spiegel, et al, Dissociative Disorders: A Clinical Review. Lutherville, Maryland: The Sidran Press, 1993; Colin A. Ross, Multiple Personality Disorder: Diagnosis, Clinical Features, and Treatment. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1989; Richard P. Kluft and Catherine G. Fine, Eds. Clinical Perspectives on Multiple Personality Disorder. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1993; Philip M. Coons, "Psychophysiologic Aspects of Multiple Personality Disorder: A Review." Dissociation 1(1988): 47-53; David A. Oakley and Lesley C. fames, "The Plurality of Consciousness." In David A. Oakley, Ed., Brain and Mind. London: Methuen, 1985, p.236.
27Colin A. Ross, The Osiris Complex, p.22.
28Ibid, p. 145-146.
29Richard P. Kluft, "Basic Principles in Conducting the Psychotherapy of Multiple Personality Disorder." In Richard P. Kluft and Catherine G. Fine, Eds. Clinical Perspectives on Multiple Personality Disorder, p. 39. 30Frank W. Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of Multiple Personality Disorder, p. 62.
31Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, 1982, p. 192.
32Lloyd deMause, "Shooting at Clinton, Prosecuting O.J. and Other Sacrificial Rituals." The Journal of Psychohistory 22(1995): 388.
33The New York Times, April 17, 1995, p. Al.
34New York Post, March 25, 1995, p. 4. The references were to the government having fed alligators and wolves who then could not hunt for themselves; that infants cannot be expected to hunt for themselves is lost in the projection of blame into them as scapegoats for the nation's hungry memories.
35Mitchell Moss, "New to Poor: Let Them Eat Laptops." New York Newsday, January 29, 1995, p. A30.
36Morris Berman, Coming to Our Senses: Body and Spirit in the Hidden History of the West. New York: Slmon & Schuster, 1989, p. 289.
37Cited In C. Alford, Melanie Klein and Critical Social Theory. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989, p. 70; see Robert Godwin, "On the Function of Enemies: The Articulation and Containment of the Unthought Self. The Journal of Psychohistory 22(1994): 79-102.
38Morris Berman, Coming to Our Sense: Body and Spirit in the Hidden History of the West. New York: Slmon & Schuster, 1989, pp. 269-273; Charles B. Strozier, Apocalypse: On the Psychology of Fundamentalism in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1994, pp. 43-45; Lloyd deMause, "On the Apocalypse in Our Heads." The Joural of Psychohistory 23(1995): 18-25.
39Rudolph Binion, Hitler Among the Germans. New York: Elsevier, 1976, pp. 3-6, 120-26, 136-38.
40Theodore Abel, Why Hitler Came to Power. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986 [1938].

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